Last night, President Obama stopped by
McCormick Place in Chicago to bid adieu to a mostly grateful nation. After eight years, only nine days remain in
the Obama Presidency. In today’s America, that’s good news or bad news,
depending upon which side of the ideological chasm you find yourself. Over the years, I’ve learned that there are
all kinds of people on both sides of that divide. There have been other posts
that dealt with that subject in depth; there will be more…some day.
Just not this day. Today’s post is all about
44, and his fond farewell. In fact that’s all it’s about. No preamble, no
postscript, no scintillating analysis. In the event you missed it, or had a
question about the phraseology around one or two particular points, or you
simply want a keepsake, I am sharing the transcript of President Obama’s
remarks last night in Chi-town.
If you saw it, or you didn’t care to see it…and
you don’t care to now, feel free to sign off. I’ll be back next week with a new
post. For now, enjoy.
Here's the
text of President Barack Obama's
farewell address Tuesday at McCormick Place in Chicago, courtesy of the Chicago
Tribune:
It’s
good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched
by all the well wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But
tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or
rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in
living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on
distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me
going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better
president, and you made me a better man.
I
first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and was still trying to
figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in
neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the
shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed
the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of
struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when
ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and come together to demand
it.
After
eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my
belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment
in self-government.
It’s
the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with
certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.
It’s
the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been
self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy,
can form a more perfect union.
This
is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our
individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative
to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.
For
240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each
new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny,
pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to
freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the
Rio Grande, it's what pushed women to reach for the ballot, it's what powered
workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo
Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were
prepared to give theirs as well.
So
that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our
nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to
change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes,
our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard,
it's always been contentious and it's sometimes been bloody. For every
two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long
sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our
founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If
I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession,
reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in
our history … if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the
Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot,
and take out the mastermind of 9/11 … if I had told you that we would win
marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20
million of our fellow citizens ... If I had told you all of that, you might
have said our sights were set a little too high.
But
that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change.
You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure,
America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In
ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the
peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected president to the next.
I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the
smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because
it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many
challenges we still face.
We
have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those
challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most
respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and
openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future
should be ours.
But
that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our
politics better reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of
us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the
sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That’s
what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.
Understand,
democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they
quarreled, eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But
they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea
that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise
or fall as one.
There
have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity.
The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking
world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism –
these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but are testing
our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy
will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs and
protect our homeland.
In
other words, it will determine our future.
To
begin with, our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic
opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home
values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling
again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock
market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year
low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care
costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And I said, and I
mean it, if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the
improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people
at less cost – I will publicly support it.
That,
after all, is why we serve – not to score points or take credit, but to make
people’s lives better, not worse.
But
for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our
economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense
of a growing middle class. That the economic argument. But stark
inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top
one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families,
in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off
factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who is barely getting by and
struggling to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them,
that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for
more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
There
are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree -- our trade should
be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations
won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of
automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And
so we're going to have to forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our
kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better
wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make
more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most
from this new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made
their very success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these
goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For
if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division
that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There’s
a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After
my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision,
however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and
often divisive force in our society. Now, I’ve lived long enough to know
that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years
ago no matter what some folks say. You can see it not just in statistics. You
can see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But
we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do.
After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers
of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw
further into their private enclaves. If we're unwilling to invest
in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we
diminish the prospects of our own children -– because those brown kids will
represent a larger and larger share of America’s workforce. And we have
shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year,
incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So
if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we must uphold laws
against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal
justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals
require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. It
won't change overnight. Social attitudes often take generations to change. But
if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us
must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction,
Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you
consider things from his point of view … until you climb into his skin and walk
around in it.”
For
blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own struggles for
justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – not
only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender
American, but also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like
he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic,
cultural, and technological change.
For
white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim
Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice
discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political
correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special
treatment, but the equal treatment that our Founders promised.
For
native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about
immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians
and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of
America. And as it turned out, America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these
newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.
So
regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; we all have to
start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just
as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their
children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
For
too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in
our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media
feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political
outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked
partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering
of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting
seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in
our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not,
that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s
out there.
And
this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics is
a battle of ideas; that's how our democracy was designed. ... But
without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new
information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that
science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common
ground and compromise impossible.
And
isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected
officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for
kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse
ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same
thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s
self-defeating. Because as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of
catching up with you.
Take
the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our
dependence on foreign oil, we've doubled our renewable energy, and we've led
the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But
without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of
climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental
disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking
sanctuary.
Now,
we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to
simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the
essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and
practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
It
is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse
– the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that
cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.
It’s
that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over
might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the
Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies,
an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on
principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly,
and an independent press.
That
order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak
for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets,
and open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their
power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a
car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change; the fear of
people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law
that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a
belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the
ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.
Because
of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence
officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist
organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland
these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and
Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement
agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens
of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global
coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken
away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who
threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the
honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.
But
protecting our way of life -- that's not just the job of our military.
Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens,
must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a
weakening of the values that make us who we are. And that’s why, for the
past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer
legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo,
reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil
liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans,
who are just as patriotic as we are. That’s why we cannot withdraw from
big global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, and women’s rights,
and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient
ignoring such values may seem. That's part of defending America. For the
fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of
a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression.
If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the
world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own
freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So
let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent
people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution
and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match
our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn
ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which
brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it
for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves
into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting
rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should
make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is
low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and
insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service.
When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to
encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
And
remember -- none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our
participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship,
regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.
Our
Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a
piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people,
give it power – we the people give it meaning with our participation, and the
choices we make and the alliances that we form. Whether or not we stand
up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of
law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey
to freedom are not assured.
In
his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the
underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes
and from different quarters much pains will be taken … to weaken in your minds
the conviction of this truth;” and so we have to preserve this truth with
“jealous anxiety”; that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to
alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred
ties” that make us one.
America,
we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so
corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter into
public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are
not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we
define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole
system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we
elect without examining our own role in electing them.
It
falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to
embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this
great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we in fact
all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy:
citizen.
So,
you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just
when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake,
but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with
strangers on the internet, try talking with one in real life. If
something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing.
If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some
signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in.
Stay at it. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose.
Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and
there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us
fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let
me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your
faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.
Mine
sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the
hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve
mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in
Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain
his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors, who at points were given up for
dead, walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after
earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of
children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace,
and above all to look out for each other.
That
faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary
Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I could
not have possibly imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here
tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012. Maybe
you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
You’re
not the only ones. Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side –
for the past 25 years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children,
you have been my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and
made it your own with grace and with grit and with style and good humor.
You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new
generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You
have made me proud. And you have made the country proud.
Malia
and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing
young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly,
kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in
the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud
to be your dad.
To
Joe Biden,
the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you
were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. Not
just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain,
I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship
has been one of the great joys of our life.
To
my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot
more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and every day I've tried to reflect back
what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve
watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys
of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let
Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. The only thing
that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the
remarkable things you are going to achieve from here.
And
to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town,
every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors,
every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who
lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and
organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful.
Because you did change the world. You did.
That’s
why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I
was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many
Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people
out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to
something bigger than yourselves. Let me tell you, this generation coming
up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner
of the country. You believe in a fair and just and inclusive America; you
know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it's not something
to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of
democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a
result that the future is in good hands.
My
fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t
stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my
remaining days. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do
have one final ask of you as your president – the same thing I asked when you
took a chance on me eight years ago.
I
am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but
in yours.
I
am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;
that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants
and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by
those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a
creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:
Yes
We Can.
Yes
We Did.
Yes
We Can.
Thank
you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States
of America.
Copyright ©
2017, Chicago Tribune
I’m done;
holla back!
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